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The plotters, the coup, and Farage’s Tory rise

Her nerves have been deteriorating for several months now. An unnamed organization known as the “Conservative Britain Alliance” commissioned a poll that cost forty thousand pounds and asserts that the party will lose more than two hundred seats, which has caused significant anxiety.

The results of the survey that was conducted on a constituency-by-constituency basis indicate that the Conservative members of Parliament are currently split along party lines. While some of them have expressed satisfaction that they seem to have a chance of maintaining their seats, others have acknowledged that their prospects of doing so are poor. Two individuals, Simon Clarke and Andrea Jenkyns, sent a rallying cry to their colleagues, encouraging them to quickly terminate Rishi Sunak’s employment.

We were taken aback by the fact that neither Clarke’s scream of the heart nor Lord David Frost’s similarly pessimistic reading of the poll findings mentioned the “wipeout” of Canada’s Progressive Conservatives in 1993.
A total of 167 seats were lost by the ruling party of Canada during that year, leaving them with just two seats in the House of Commons, which had a total of 295 MPs. Kim Campbell, who had just been chosen prime minister, was the leader of the party.

Even though the reasons were complicated and dependent on assumption, as is customary with any “extinction-level event,” we were already acquainted with them. In the same way that constitutional amendments in Scotland were made with the intention of soothing separatists, constituency losses and displeasure elsewhere were generated by constitutional amendments in Quebec.

This resulted in the formation of a rival party that was on the right wing, which, five years after losing all of its seats in 1988, went on to gain 52 seats. Who is it, and what is its name? Make adjustments. This gets us to the last element, which is the country’s economy. Following a protracted period of economic stagnation, the government of Canada decided to adopt the contentious Goods and Services Tax to strengthen its financial position.

The Progressive Conservatives had exhausted all possible paths of political development during their nine years in government, which culminated in the completion of their last five-year term. At the beginning of September, when the competition began, it was impossible to anticipate how awful things would get at that time. Seven weeks later, the Liberals received 41% of the vote, while the Progressive Conservatives finished in second with 16% of the vote.

Throughout the election, the Bloc Québécois was able to get 13 seats, while Reform was able to secure 19% of the seats. The overall number of seats held by the Bloc Québécois rose from ten to fifty-four. After losing her seat in the landslide, Jean Charest, a former cabinet minister whom Campbell had dismissed earlier in the year to replace Brian Mulroney, took over as leader of the Progressive Conservatives.

Charest is one of just two Progressive Conservatives who are currently serving in the Commons. Following the merger of the Conservative Party of Canada with the Canadian Alliance, which was Reform’s successor in 2003, Stephen Harper, the leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, “united the right” to become the Prime Minister of Canada from 2006 to 2015.

With a support rate of forty percent in the polls, the party is anticipated to return to power shortly. Between the years 1993 and 2024 in the United Kingdom? Policy experts all across the world, particularly politicians on the right who are fervently trying to prevent a recurrence of the disaster that occurred in 1993, find it almost completely incomprehensible.

Reform for Seniors even though Messrs. Clarke and Frost did not mention it this week, the leaders of the United Kingdom have not forgotten about it. One of the members of the dissident party declared the party’s determination to remove the Conservatives from power only a few days before Christmas.

He asserted that the ratings of the Reform party would immediately improve if Nigel Farage were to be “properly engaged” with the party. If the Conservatives were to succeed in their goal, they warned that a complete eradication of Canada was a distinct possibility. Even though the analogies may not be entirely accurate, individuals who see them from that perspective can find that they are strangely familiar.

As was the case with Campbell, Sunak saw a boost in the popularity of his party when he replaced a highly unpopular predecessor. However, this surge quickly dissipated as people thought back to the fact that the economic and other problems that had plagued the previous administration had not mysteriously disappeared. Reform contributed to the success of the opposition by causing a rift in the support of the right wing.

The proportion of votes cast for the Liberal Party in 1993 grew by just nine percentage points. With that being said, they were able to obtain their largest majority since the 1940s and experienced a rise in the overall number of seats they held by more than 400%. Regardless of their political leanings, a significant number of conservatives on both sides of the Atlantic are irritated by this.

It is correct to be concerned. Reform UK has not yet reached the same heights that the Brexit Party did during the summer of 2019, but it is continuously improving and is guaranteed to continue in the double digits. Not only that, but the bulk of its new supporters are Conservatives, as opposed to the traditionalists who are supported by Labour.

Why is it that Farage is not going through a process of reformation?


Boris Johnson, who was even more adept than Farage in turning over disillusioned Leave supporters, succeeded Theresa May as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom after members of the Brexit Party fled the party five years ago. This occurred regardless of whether any Tory legislators wanted to replace Theresa May.

There is no way that Sunak could ever do anything like that. During this week, Farage commented that “Rishi Sunak may be intellectually bright, but he does not connect with ordinary people at all.” There does not seem to be anybody else in the Cabinet or outside of it who is mad enough to lead the party in an approaching general election that is guaranteed to end in a crushing defeat. This is the case regardless of whether the election is held soon or not.

It should come as no surprise that Johnson profited from Farage’s decision in 2019 to refrain from attacking Conservative members of parliament. The message that was sent to “his voters” was that they could put their trust in Johnson to “Get Brexit Done.” This was done rather than attempting to rescue numerous Tory incumbents. When everything was said and done, just a tiny percentage of them were able to hold on.

Similar to how it seemed at the beginning of 2019, the Conservative administration seems to be in a state of disarray as a result of internal internal strife and poor leadership. Why has Farage not yet returned to his position as the leader of Reform UK?

You will get a variety of explanations from a variety of individuals. According to the current chairman of the party, Richard Tice, Farage is said to have remarked that he is “giving a lot of thought to the extent of the role that he wants to play in helping Reform UK save Britain.” According to what he said to the media, “A good poker player does not show their hand too early.” Remember to look at it. Nigel excels at making political plays at the right moment.

You might also consider it from this perspective. “The Tory party deserves to be smashed and destroyed,” Tice said in his most recent pronouncement against the Conservative Party. One possible explanation for why Farage would prefer to inflict pain than murder is that he has a long-term goal of becoming the leader of the Conservative Party.

Nigel Farage: Who Will Be the Next Leader of the Conservative Party?
It was in October when he said to a journalist that he would be rather surprised if he did not become the leader of the Conservative Party by the year 2026. He desired to highlight after the fact that he meant it “in jest,” even though he first showed surprise. The excitement of members of the Tory Party at the conference held in Manchester in October, on the other hand, may have caused him to reconsider his position.

In a statement to GBNews, Sunak warned those individuals who voted for Reform UK and were supporters of Farage. He said, “The Tory Party is a broad church.” Even though it was only a comment that gave the impression that the door was open, I am open to many people who are interested in adhering to our beliefs and ideals.

As a result of this, concerned Conservatives could fantasize about Farage faithfully becoming a Tory before the approaching election, which would improve their chances of winning the election. Think about it: in the months running up to the election, Sunak allows his son to compete for a safe seat in the Conservative Party!

The “narrow path to victory” that Isaac Levido advocated for was most effectively accomplished by incorporating Farage into the Tory camp. The government may be able to say that Reform UK would accept Labour rather than being “a free hit” for dissatisfied Tory supporters who feel that their party would lose anyway if the economy improves and tax cuts enhance morale if the polls narrow enough.

A pre-election collaboration between the Conservatives and Farage, or even simply a non-aggression pact, would be beneficial to the former leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) more than it would be to the beleaguered prime minister. Because it is anticipated that the Conservatives would be left in “smoking rubble” after the election, this is especially true. At this point, it would be beneficial for Farage to rejoin the party, become a member of the Commons, and seek a leadership position.

It is reasonable in several different ways. It would be the culmination of a decade-long shift on the part of the Conservatives, who had previously been a mainstream center-right party concerned with preserving and advancing traditional institutions and the free market, into a populist right party intent on upending or even destroying such institutions to achieve its two primary objectives. If Farage were to become prime minister, it would be the culmination of this shift.

There are a lot of people on the right side of the party who believe that this is the way to go ahead. They see their triumph in 2019 as the long-awaited (and, for some, much-needed) realignment of British politics that Brexit has brought about. Their trip can only be directed by a politician who has the charm and guile to persuade people who are less well off to embrace a small state, low spending, and low tax agenda, even if those voters depend on public services. This is especially true if the voters in question are cultural conservatives.

After Liz Truss’s passing, it is possible that one hundred members of parliament would support Boris Johnson’s campaign for party leadership. This is a monument to the great aspirations that right-wingers had at the time. After realizing that many of their target followers would never support Johnson at the presidential level, they decided to remove their former hero from the campaign. This realization was brought about by the Partygate scandal.

Following the unfortunate departure of Suella Braverman from the Cabinet, they concluded that she was not. If charisma is a trait that should be had by potential leaders, then Robert Jenrick does not possess it. Kemi Badenoch’s arrogance and abrasiveness make it impossible for her to connect with regular individuals in the same manner that she finds it easy to connect with grassroots Tory supporters, even though she may be qualified.

On the other hand, Farage is charming, shrewd, and has star quality. Even though he has not yet formally joined the Conservative Party, he is supported by fifty percent of the people who are voting for the Conservative Party in 2019. This puts him in the same category as two individuals who are committed to the Conservative Party, Sunak and Johnson.

As a result of Badenoch’s chance to try (and most likely fail) to resuscitate the prospects of the Conservative Party after what many people predict to be, to quote Clarke, “a shattering defeat,” why shouldn’t he be permitted to return provided he refrains from joining Tice in seeking to damage the party?

When Lord Frost was questioned about the YouGov survey that he used to stir up controversy in the middle of the week by Lord Nicholas True, the leader of the Conservatives in the Lords, Lord Frost refused to give the identities of the sponsors of the poll. It was his opinion that the financiers were not connected to Reform, and he expressed this idea.

On the other hand, such phrasing does not rule out the potential that the “shadowy” organization that is scheming to oust Sunak in Covent Garden with a small number of disillusioned Tory right-wingers may have connections to the Faragist uprising, both financially and in other ways.

A possible plot development?
According to reports, Will Dry, a former head of polling and special assistant to the prime minister who is now 26 years old, was the one who formulated the questions that were used in the catastrophic survey that was conducted by the Conservative Britain Alliance earlier this week. Dry said that his time spent working for the government had left him feeling “steadily more disheartened” and had led him to the “sorrowful conclusion that the Conservatives are heading for the most almighty of defeats.”

According to Dry, “the Conservative Party will essentially cease to exist by Christmas” if Farage returns to the political arena. The Westminster hypotheses, on the other hand, have linked several additional persons to the conspiracy. In October of 2022, Braverman promoted Joel Winton and Jake Ryan to the position of special advisers. Both of these individuals had prior experience working in the field of media.

There are rumors that Winton and Ryan, both of whom are graduates of Braverman, are not the only ones involved in the coup. It is possible that Chris Jenkins, a former assistant to Lord Frost who served as a special adviser to Braverman before joining Truss’s staff at No. 10, is engaged in the conspiracy.

They believe that the Conservatives will suffer defeats in two by-elections the following month and that the results of the municipal elections in May will be terrible, especially in districts that are located in the Red Wall. A void is apparent to Farage. At the beginning of this week, he tweeted that the Red Wall had completely and irretrievably disappeared.

In the run-up to the election, it is very improbable that anybody, including Braverman and Jenrick, will oppose Sunak from the right wing of his party. In light of this, we will now return to the totality of the pandemic in Canada. Whoever was there at the time recalls the severity of the loss as well as the suddenness of its occurrence.

The fact that the party that was defeated joined forces with the party that won to establish the Conservative Party, which was populist, right-wing, and electorally successful, was also an essential factor. This is not the spot where it could take place! Always have an open mind.” In his statement from the previous week, Farage said that the current Tory party seemed to be terrified of her. It makes perfect sense to me.

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